Academics Facing Autocracy: Devising Sustainable Pedagogical and Institutional Alternatives in Illiberal Times. Conference Report.

Conference report by Daniel Palm research fellow, team leader of “Decolonization” team within the Academics Facing Autocracy Program.

The Academics Facing Autocracy program presented and discussed the outcomes of its work realized throughout the year 2023. Starting from the understanding that abstract notions of academic freedom and university autonomy lend little protection from contemporary attacks on academia under illiberalism, researchers and educators from various regions of the world collaborated to devise new modalities for teaching and research in higher education. The conference put two points of central interest in the discussion under closer scrutiny. Thursday allowed for the inspection on the status quo of higher education under autocracy – soft and hard. It invited speakers from different context to elaborate on their experiences of autocratizing academia under illiberal rule, the possibilities of responding to pressures from within academic institutions, and the consequences of seeking exile.

In the first panel, the contours of academia under illiberalism were sketched from different perspectives and firsthand experiences. Zoltan Adam reflected on the recent developments that led to his ouster at the Corvinus University after a student failed to pass exams successfully, having his parents interfere who also sit on the university’s board. Irina Dubrow reported from Poland that besides austerity and restrictions in academia, the Polish government also funded generously new research institutions producing outputs friendly to the PIS line. The violent nature of autocratic attacks in Azerbaijan was then briefly presented by Turkay Gasimova, pointing out that the constant insecurity produced by repression is a key feature of autocracies attacking academia. Zoltan Ginelli illustrated the precarity in academic ranks that may turn especially visible for young scholars interested in pursuing an academic career under autocracy. Daniel Palm added a perspective from Nicaragua, where academia is under control of anti-imperialist regimes of knowledge production that enforce exclusivity on the grounds of political loyalty to the Sandinista government, with violent practices overtaking informal one after student protests in 2018.

Possible strategies to respond to academic attacks from within academia were the topic of the second panel. Daniel Deak offered a concise summary of the discussion and the (non)actions taken by representatives of researchers resisting the government takeover of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, targeted to save as much of the status quo as possible. Marton Zaszkaliczky highlighted the difficulties of maintaining a positive outlook into the future under the normalization of illiberal politics reigning on Hungarian academia. Eszter Kirs countered that one fruitful and further to explore strategy would be to involve students into the resistance against illiberalism from within the universities. Cris Shore reported about developments in the United Kingdom, where the jargon of quality assurance has undermined university autonomy at universities and proposed to deconstruct the neoliberal reign on higher education.

The difficulties in maintaining academic careers after forced migration were of interest to the first working group of the Academic facing Autocracy program presenting in the third and last panel on Thursday. Their ongoing survey among scholars at risk and scholars at risk program managers seeks to learn about the trajectories of the program’s impact on scholars that needed to leave their home countries. Oleksandr Shtokvych gave insights into the everyday goings of a scholars at risk program that seeks to find demand-tailored solutions for academics transferring to new host institutions. Though the program has helped to relocate scholars at risk successfully, doubts remain in the sustainability of a relocated scholar’s career paths. Philip Fedchin reflected on the possible modes of operations for the Smolny Beyond Borders college that needed to relocate from St. Petersburg to Berlin in 2022. The research on the impact and possible improvement to programs supporting scholars at risk will explore the factors that will render them more successful by 2024.

On the second day, the first panel presented different hybrid programs that operate in response to illiberalism reigning on academia. The Invisible University for Ukraine (IUFU) provides online classes depicting current topics of interest to students in and outside of Ukraine. Summer and Winter schools allow for in-person meetings to build on the online experience. Like IUFU, also the Ukrainian Global University invites scholars and students from outside of Ukraine to collaborate with academics in Ukraine to collaborate and offer classes. Their hope is that alumni will commit to work within Ukraine to rebuild the country. The Berlin based Off-University was founded by emigrant scholars after the purge in Turkey 2017 but since then expanded its offer to provide classes for students in autocratic regimes anonymously in a safer digital space. The University of New Europe offers more unconventional modalities in higher education, experimenting with informal networks and mentorship to create new spaces for higher education. In response to the ousting of the Central European University from Hungary, the CEU Istvan Bibo Free University was founded to offer classes and alternative public debates, using CEU premises in Budapest. All projects agreed that besides online classes, the in-person aspect of learning is indispensable.

The second working group of the Academics Facing Autocracy program presented the outcomes of its work on a curriculum that reflects critically the developments within the region. Students exposed to illiberal narratives on national history that increasingly take hold in academia and public spaces need to be enabled to critically reflect and document memory politics. A memory lab with different digital activities allowing for interventions into illiberal narratives and a solid foundation to understand the concepts and variations of memory politics taught in four modules covering activities and readings was presented and discussed as a suiting response to illiberal memory politics.

As the third working group presenting, this panel focused on the pedagogical implications of decolonizing Central Eastern Europe. It argued that the region provided ample possibilities on how to understand colonialization as more than a process limited to transatlantic region, providing examples how colonialization could also be driven by actors so far ignored by theories on “settler colonialism.” Besides Soviet imperialism, also other neo-colonial projects driven by autocrats today could be identified. To make students aware of the specificities and similarities of neo-colonial knowledge production in the region, a student-project-driven teaching framework was introduced. Five areas for specialization allow for the application of the foundational readings in a first teaching phase.

The fourth and last working group presenting offered a comprehensive overview of the status quo in teaching democracy at universities in Central Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Their findings showed a lack of contemporary teaching material and concepts to stress the value and vulnerability of democracy in nearly all countries under observation. In response, the group designed a curriculum with activities that not only discuss but also explore democratic practices. Violetta Zentai responded to the work as discussant and highlighted, among other points, the changes in the horizon of experiences by students today which would need to be reflected also in a curriculum seeking to address the demographics in the region. The second discussant, Thiago Amparo, explored the need for legal frameworks that ought to be part of a curriculum on democratic resilience.

Finally, reflections on the ways forward in providing critical higher education in illiberal times were shared by representatives of the Open Society University Network (OSUN) and the CEU. Taking stock of existing programs and teaching methods, the panel dived into best practices in teaching, which addresses social and epistemological inequalities. With regard to the systemic attacks and targeted policies of autocracy to cut back higher education as a space for critical reflection, however, open questions remained. A central one would be how far programs and projects as presented throughout the conference should not only operate in reaction to attacks on academia, but also seek to learn lessons from the last episodes to prevent further ones.

The Academics Facing Autocracy program certainly is committed to a progressive stance, but negative repercussions of such an initiative could be underestimated. The answer might be found in researching more strategically the options for establishing a critical space in higher education to understand illiberal dynamics better. The developed proto-curricula presented by the working groups could play a central role in such an “engaged scholarship” project.

Research on Scholars at risk and scholars at risk programs

Within the Academics Facing Autocracy program of the CEU Democracy Institute’s “Democracy in History” workgroup, supported by the Open Society University Network, our research team – consisting of Agnes Katalin Kelemen, Michael Kozakowski, Rafael Labanino, Eren Paydas and Maksym Snihyr – examines the experience of scholars at risk (displaced ones as well as of those threatened by war or oppression in their home countries) and of managers and administrators of scholars at risk programs or similar initiatives to support endangered academics.

We aim to assess the strengths and weaknesses of scholars at risk programs. We try to understand to what extent existing  support structures are able to help scholars displaced from their academic communities or threatened within their country to sustain academic careers and activity in higher education. 

If you consider yourself a threatened academic or a scholar at risk, please fill our survey. We also appreciate if you distribute information on our research and send the link to such scholars in your networks.

If you work for a scholars at risk program or similar support structure, please fill our other survey. We also appreciate if you distribute information on our research and send the link to such persons in your networks.

Both surveys are open until January 15, 2024.

The beginning of each survey directs respondents to this post to read the below Information Sheet and Consent Form.

Information Sheet & Consent Form about Participation in Survey Research on European Support Schemes for  Scholars at Risk

You are invited to participate in a study that is conducted by Central European University’s Democracy Institute (Budapest) The study has received funding from the Open Society University Network under budget code  O/OSU/DOCRS/82903.B.4)

Study title: Assessing Scholars at Risk Programs within the “ACADEMICS FACING AUTOCRACY 2.0: TURNING “SCHOLARS AT RISK” PROGRAMS INTO A SUSTAINABLE ALTERNATIVE research program

Purpose, usefulness, and benefits of participating in the Study: The purpose of this research is to allow us to better understand the strengths and weak points of support structures set up within Europe for the sake of scholars at risk.  There are no direct benefits from participating in the study. However, the outcomes of the study seek to inform academics and stakeholders in the higher education sector about how support programs could be improved and sustained.

Requirements: You consider yourself an academic (you are part of a doctoral or post/doctoral program  or you are either short-term or permanent employee of an academic research institute or university or an independent researcher) threatened or displaced by one of the following

  • autocracy,
  • persecution or fear thereof,
  • authoritarian attacks against academic freedom
  • war

who participated in one or more programs set up to help scholars at risk.

OR you work or volunteer as an administrator or manager to operate a scholars at risk program/a support scheme meant to help threatened scholars and this program is based in Europe (not necessarily your supportees).

Procedure: This sheet gives you information to help you decide if you want to participate in our research or not. If you choose to participate in the study, you will find questions regarding your experience and expectations towards support schemes meant to help threatened and displaced scholars.  Different surveys are meant for managers/administrators and for (aspiring) participants of such programs.  In the survey, you will be asked whether you are willing to elaborate more on your experience and opinion about such programs in an individual (online) interview, you will only be contacted for an interview if your answer to this question is yes. In this case interviews may last up to 30 minutes. It is also your right to answer the survey questions but saying no to the interview request. You will also be asked whether you wish to be informed in the future about the output of this research, such as conference papers or journal articles.

Your email address will only be used for contacting you if you say you are willing to give an interview and/or want to be informed about research output. Your email address will be stored for five years after the completion of the research. Note that it is also your right to withdraw your consent to participate in this research by communicating your withdrawal of consent in an email to Agnes Katalin Kelemen at kelemena@ceu.edu. In such case your survey answers and interview will be deleted.

Potential Risks: There are no risks associated with participation in the interview thanks to anonymity and confidential treatment of responses by the researchers. However, if you prefer not to answer certain interview questions, you are free to skip any question, and you can stop the interview at any time.

Your rights as a participant: Participation in this study is completely voluntary and you may withdraw at any time during the study without giving any reason.

Data storage and protection: In this study, we will record your specific data (name, age, sex, profession, and views on scholars-at-risk programs). These data are confidential. We use a number code to identify the data. The data will not be directly linked to your name or any other identifying information. Information about your identity is kept strictly separate from the code and data. Any information that may directly or indirectly identify you in the interview transcripts will be deleted. Any published materials will not contain your name or any other personal information. We take secure storage of the collected data very seriously. All data will be encrypted and stored on a password protected computer. The recorded data are accessible only to the lead researchers of the study (Balazs Trencsenyi, Renata Uitz) and those to whom they explicitly grant access rights (researchers within the Academics Facing Autocracy research program). We will destroy consent forms, surveys and interview transcripts five years after the project completion. Please see Central European University’s Data Protection Policy at https://documents.ceu.edu/documents/p-1611-2v1705

Questions: Please feel free to ask further questions about the study. It is important to us that you have received all the information you need in order to decide whether or not to participate in this study. If you would like to participate, please click yes below.

Contact and further information:

For further information, please contact: Agnes Katalin Kelemen, CEU–Democracy Institute, kelemena@ceu.edu

Name of lead researchers: Renata Uitz, Balazs Trencsenyi

  In the beginning of the survey you are asked to confirm that  you have read and understood the Information Sheet for the above described study and you understand that your participation is voluntary and that you are free to withdraw at any time without giving a reason and that you have been informed about data storage and protection and understand that your data is confidential. And you agree to participate in this study Otherwise you cannot fill the survey.    

Academics Facing Autocracy 2

A Program by CEU-Democracy Institute’s „Democracy in History” workgroup supported by OSUN Global Visiting Fellowship

The concluding conference of Academics Facing Autocracy in April showed the need for new modalities to teach higher education under illiberal rule. As the continuation of the workgroup’s Academics Facing Autocracy program, current deliberations focus on teaching and research in an authocratizing Central Eastern Europe. Where the conference  brought together academics from scholarly communities threatened by authoritarian governments from numerous countries on several continents (Belarus, Brazil, Hungary, Kyrgyzstan, Paraguay, Russia, Nicaragua, Turkey), the current research groups are composed of researchers with in depth knowledge on the developments in the region and thus predisposed to find suiting answers to the challenges they operate in.

One central finding of the discussions in April was that support programs that aim to get critical educators out of illiberal contexts results double challenge: For the one side they are barely able to integrate into foreign academia in a sustainable manner and for the other, they leave the higher education sector of their origin weakened. thus, the current round aims at assessing European support programs set up scholars-at-risk and at working out course curricula which sensitize students with regard to threats against their and their universities’ academic freedom. For the sake of the former aim, one team of the Academics Facing Autocracy 2. group conducts a survey among scholars who participate(d) or applied to European scholars-at-risk programs and the managers and administrators of such programs in order to come up with suggestions how such programs could be further improved and rendered sustainable. For the sake of the second aim, the three other teams within our group develop curricula organized around the crucial topics of decolonization, memory politics and democratic resilience.

The concluding conference of Academics Facing Autocracy in April showed the need for new modalities to teach higher education under illiberal rule. As the continuation of the workgroup’s Academics Facing Autocracy program, current deliberations focus on teaching and research in an authocratizing Central Eastern Europe. Where the conference  brought together academics from scholarly communities threatened by authoritarian governments from numerous countries on several continents (Belarus, Brazil, Hungary, Kyrgyzstan, Paraguay, Russia, Nicaragua, Turkey), the current research groups are composed of researchers with in depth knowledge on the developments in the region and thus predisposed to find suiting answers to the challenges they operate in.

Participants

TRACK 1

ASSESSING SCHOLARS AT RISK PROGRAMS

Agnes Kelemen (CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest) and Michael Kozakowski (CEU Yehuda Elkana Center for Teaching, Learning, and Higher Education Research, Vienna) team leaders

Rafael Labanino (University of Konstanz)

Eren Paydas (Off University, Berlin)

Maksym Snihyr (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)

TRACK 2[AK1] 

TOWARDS A PEDAGOGICAL ALTERNATIVE

A, DECOLONIZATION TEAM

Daniel Palm (University for Continuing Education Krems/Ceu Democracy Institute, Budapest) team leader

Elzbieta Kwiecinska (University of Warsaw)

Karolina Koziura (European University Institute)

Adrian Matus (Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest)

Lina Omran

B, MEMORY POLITICS TEAM

Vladimir Petrovic (Boston University) team leader

Noemi Levy-Aksu (Hafiza Merkezi,, Turkey)

Julia Szekely (Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest)

Ketevan Epadze (Tbilisi State University)

Bohdan Shumylovych (Center for Urban History, Lviv)

C, DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE TEAM

Ruzha Smilova (Sofia University) team leader

Saniia Toktogazieva (American University of Central Asia, Bishkek)

Aleksandar Pavlovic (Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, Belgrade)


Activities

Academics Facing Autocracy 2. started on August 1, 2023 with a kick off hosted by the then double leadership of the AFA program, Renáta Uitz and Balzs Trecnenyi. Since then, each team has bi-weekly zoom meetings and there is a plenary meeting once a month. Members of each team join other teams’ meetings  to keep the coherence of our work across all panels. The first meetings in August aimed at familiarizing each other with the different local contexts we come from and at identifying how we can work together so that our research and curricula output can be relevant on a larger scale, how to work out pedagogical alternatives that are resilient enough to be tailorcut to local needs. On September 1, the whole group met and discussed what the outcomes should be by the end of the program (December 31, 2023).

Track 1 worked out two survey questionnaires, one for scholars at risk and another one for managers and administrators of European scholars-at-risk programs in addition to two different sets of interview questions to each group to be disseminated during the autumn. During the preperations, essential questions on research ethics in the field were discussed and are documented to guide further research on the topic. The questionnaires are anonymous online surveys and respondents who indicate their willingness to share their personal experiences in more detail will be contacted for a half-hour interview. The generated data will allow us to assess existing programs and address questions for future improvement.  

Within Track 2, the Decolonization team mapped literature in the theoretical space in between the rightful criticism of Western, liberal , U.S. centered academia colonializing Central-Eastern Europe and the overly nativizing and essentializing responses of some academics that are supported by autocratic movements. Currently, they develop a didactical concept to teach about changing uses of decelonialization concepts under autocracy in the Central Eastern Region. Tightly cooperating with the Memory Politics team, they came up with the suggestion that all the three teams within Track 2 should aim at the following learning outcome in their curricula: “Students participating in the activities can distinguish critical from biased use of concepts from the literature on the topos of decolonialization. They also can identify actors and literature that allow them to react to overly essentializing reformulations of history and identity from the side of autocratic governments.”

The Memory politics team traced the patterns of authoritarian interventions in politics of memory and scrutinized this mnemonic landscape in national as well as regional context, according to distinguishable subjects (memory laws and calenders, education and textbooks,. monuments and urban space). They also discuss the possibility of counteracting this attempt at controlling the past by hosting memory labs aimed at mnemonic resocialization. Memory lab is a module in their proposed course curriculum, a means to enable students to experiment with original mnemonic techniques (such as for instance memory walks or digital forms of commemoration). The course participants will work together towards the production of an original output contributing to documentation and/or civic engagement in the memory field.

The Democratic resilience team mapped existing university courses’ curricula in East Central Europe, the Balkans and the Caucasus region, primarily but not only of Political Science departments of universities in these regions which claim to teach about democracy and subjects where democratic resilience is presumably discussed. They looked at courses of universities that already teach on democratization. The analysis of exiting curriculaincluded  also of institutions supported by famously non-democratic governments such as Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC) in Budapest.

Another plenary meeting is expected for late October or early November and we will meet for a (hybrid) workshop in Budapest on December 14-15 to discuss each teams’ outcome and prepare the project outputs, possibly working papers in the Review of Democracy and trial classes based on the course curricula developed within the project.

 

The Academics Facing Autocracy Program continues

ACADEMICS FACING AUTOCRACY 2.0
TURNING “SCHOLARS AT RISK” PROGRAMS INTO A
SUSTAINABLE ALTERNATIVE

Autocracy attacking universities and research institutions severs the educational sector
twofold. Most visibly, it pushes educators abroad or into inner exile. Less accounted for but
with dire consequences as well is the fact that students lose any access to critical scholarship
under autocracy. While projects in support of research under attack classically intervene into
the repercussions of the former, students are all but lost to the autocratization of their
educational institutions. This is all the more lamentable, as there is little substantiated
empirical study
on the effect of the existing interventions. The project by the Academics
Facing Autocracy Program will thus evaluate existing support structures for researchers
especially with regard to Turkish and Ukrainian scholars, whilst at the same time establish new
modalities for building a resilient pedagogical response to autocratic attacks on higher
education. We hope to engage with the two central problems faced by the defenders of
educational pluralism and Open Society, namely providing access to high-quality education
to students who are excluded from the international circulation of knowledge, and creating
sustainable support structures for those scholars who are marginalized or persecuted by the
autocratic regimes.


While most of these programs concentrated on one national group, we seek to explore, in the
spirit of OSUN, the possibility of linking together transnationally both the scholars involved
in them and the student communities. We thus hope to combine the analysis of the existing
institutional dynamic with a set of recommendations of how it is possible to develop a
transnational teaching program that would link together the beneficiaries of various initiatives
and also lead to a more in-depth transnational educational experience. We think that it is
important to connect structural and thematic reflection, and we thus sought to identify also
possible frames where such a transnational teaching program linking different networks of
Scholars at Risk could be implemented.

In a second step that builds on the hypothesis leading the project, and also drawing on the
results of the pilot project of Academics Facing Autocracy in Spring 2023, supported by
OSUN, more sustainable paths for maintaining intellectual relevance will be explored. Here,
especially the fields of humanities and social sciences will be addressed as vulnerable sides
for reformulating a more resilient approach to counter autocratic interventions into higher
education. Exploring the sources available locally to counter state agendas in knowledge
production whilst at the same time ensuring a transnational dialogue and networking will
allow a deeper embedding of critical discussions and the prefiguration of the needed
infrastructures under autocracy.
In the first phase, we have identified a number of strategies of the autocratic power-holders
to challenge the autonomy of educational institutions, impose anti-liberal ideological
frameworks, and eventually eradicate the potential sources of critical thinking. We paid special
attention to the broad spectrum of cases in-between a functioning pluralistic educational
system and the complete loss of academic freedom and full ideological control. In view of this
scaling, we tried to sketch out a flexible educational model which could rely on scholars
marginalized by these regimes and relink them to the student population which has no access
to themes and approaches beyond the control of the autocratic power.

In order to proceed with this, we need to delve deeper into learning from existing support
structures for researchers such as the Scholars at Risk Network, the Global University Network, and more recent strategies to counter autocratic attacks such
as Off University or the Invisible University for Ukraine.

Such synchronic and diachronic analysis will reveal the needed cornerstones to build more
resilient and effective programs that ensure free research and access to pluralistic higher
education. A mixed methodology approach that examines the existing programs will thus be
realized by a team of fellows trained in sociology, political sciences, and advocacy. A survey
compatible with the standing literature on forced migration in higher education will allow
to come to conclusions on the contours of dynamics that seek to support scholars at risk.
A leading hypothesis informed by the available research on Turkish and Syrian research
diaspora is that beneficiaries of programs relocating researchers to universities abroad seldom
find a sustainable career path after migration, especially if working in the field of humanities
of social sciences. Qualitative explorations of chosen participants of the survey can explore the
reasons and effectful counterstrategies to such a marginalization of scholars at risk. Findings
will be presented across stakeholders as well as to the audience of the research field. We work
with both experts dealing with this topic and also with young scholars who are themselves
insiders
to these Scholars at Risk initiatives and who can thus provide access also to the inside
views of the beneficiaries and the administrators of these programs. Many of them are already
part of the OSUN network through their institutions, others represent contexts which were/are
the principal targets of various Scholars at Risk, solidarity, and sanctuary programs, such as
Ukraine, Turkey, Georgia, or Serbia. In addition, we also plan to look at the OSUN programs
dealing with Russian and Afghan refugee scholars. The main aim is not so much the
“evaluation” of these programs as such, but a comparative analysis with the aim of teasing out
similarities, differences, shared philosophies and possible ways of cooperation and
consolidation.

Along these lines, we chose three pivotal areas where the autocratic and democratic political
and cultural projects clash and consequently alternative educational initiatives can have a
transformative impact: decolonization, memory politics and democratic resilience in the
face of illiberal attacks. Assessing existing programs and discussing possible transnational
curricula in such a new modality to counter autocracy is means and output at once: it allows
for exploring shared ground across diverging contexts whilst at the same time integrating local
agents for critical interventions into a later mobilizable body of teachers to help students in
autocratic contexts to gain access to the knowledge they may use to transform autocracy from
within. Members of the teams represent countries from post-Soviet Central Asia, Caucasus,
Turkey, Ukraine, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria and the former Yugoslav republics. The
three broad themes are currently at the very center of intellectual debate and student interest
in these countries and beyond. They can thus offer a bridge between different existing
initiatives
and also open the possibility of extending the discussion to other academic networks
linked to OSUN, particularly in the Global South. We intend to complete the program with a
workshop on the state of the art and possible directions of development, involving scholars
dealing with these questions, as well as institutional stakeholders such as OSUN’s Threatened
Scholars Integration Initiative to reflect on the questions of academic freedom and resilience.

The proposed framework thus combines empirical research into existing practices, developing
new intellectual and conceptual frames for a transnational educational network to be developed
under the aegis of OSUN, also reinforcing the collaboration of the relevant CEU
stakeholders
involved in rethinking the access program of the university (Elkana Center and
DI), and creating a resilient network of young academics from non-Western contexts,
combining academic excellence with civic engagement.


Track 1
Assessing Scholars at Risk Programs

  • Agnes Kelemen (CEU DI) and Michael Kozakowski (CEU Elkana Center)* team
    leaders: developing the methodological framework and also providing a historical basis
    for studying contemporary Scholars at Risk programs
  • Maksym Snihyr (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Kyiv and Free
    University Berlin, Ukraine/Germany): a qualitative study of some major Ukrainian
    Scholars at Risk initiatives in Germany and Poland
  • Rafael Labanino (University of Konstanz, Germany): mapping the German
    infrastructure of Scholars at Risk programs developing in the last decade
  • Eren Paydas (Off University, Turkey/Germany): assessing the impact of Turkish
    Scholars at Risk initiatives in Germany

Track 2
Towards a Pedagogical Alternative

A, DECOLONIZATION TEAM

  • Daniel Palm (CEU-DI Budapest/University of Continuing Education Krems,
    Hungary/Austria) team leader, dealing with the comparison of East Central European
    and Latin American decolonization discourses
  • Elzbieta Kwiecinska (University of Warsaw, Poland), dealing with Polish and Jewish
    discourses of (post)coloniality
  • Karolina Koziura (European University Institute Florence, Italy), dealing with
    Ukrainian debates on decolonization and Europeanness
  • Adrian Matus (OSA Budapest, Hungary), focuses on the interplay of Eastern and
    Western ideologies of anti-colonial resistance during the Cold War and its post-89
    impact, as well as the pedadogical implications of engaging with these topics

B, MEMORY POLITICS TEAM

  • Vladimir Petrovic (Institute for Contemporary History in Belgrade, Serbia) team
    leader, expert in genocide studies and post-war memorialization practices in the
    Balkans and in a global context
  • Bohdan Shumylovych (Center for Urban History Lviv, Ukraine), developing new
    models of urban public history and engaging with the audience in Ukrainian context
  • Noémi Lévy-Aksu (Hafiza Merkezi Truth, Justice and Memory Center Istanbul,
    Turkey), focuses on memory politics in Turkey, in particular with regard to Turkish-
    Kurdish joint programs
  • Julia Szekely (Eötvös Loránd University Budapest, Hungary), focuses on Holocaust
    memorialization in German and Hungarian contexts
  • Ketevan Epadze (Tbilisi State University, Georgia) is mapping teaching initiatives on
    memory politics in Georgia’s higher education institutions with regard to internal
    displacement and the Russian-Georgian war
    C, DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE TEAM
  • Ruzha Smilova (Sofia University, Bulgaria) team leader, dealing with comparative legal and political study of democratic resilience,
  • Saniia Toktogazieva (AUCA Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan), focuses on transnational
    educational initiatives in the post-Soviet space that foster democratic resilience in the
    face of illiberal attacks
  • Aleksander Pavlovic (IFDT Belgrade, Serbia), working on anti-autocratic political
    mobilization in the Western Balkans

Conference report by our interns: Academics Facing Autocracy: Alternative Modalities and Transnational Resilience in Higher Education

The event took place at CEU Vienna: https://events.ceu.edu/2023-04-17/academics-facing-autocracy-alternative-modalities-and-transnational-resilience-higher

Autocratic and illiberal practices are present at many levels in numerous societies, even outside their countries of origin. Academic circles across the globe have been victims of a sustained autocratic effort to suppress their freedom in order to consolidate power and eliminate the seeds of opposition and alternate thought.

This is why CEU Democracy Institute’s “Democracy in History” workgroup organized the “Academics Facing Autocracy” program and a workshop to discuss possibilities of resistance.  The OSUN Global Visiting Fellowship for the ‘’Academics Facing Autocracy’’ scheme has brought together academics with a variety of experience in the struggle against autocratic oppression in order to discuss strategies to oppose authoritarian regimes, particularly through alternative modes of education. The programme is hosted by the Democracy Institute at the CEU Budapest campus, which had to transfer its graduate programmes to Vienna as a result of illiberal Hungarian policies. As a global trend of autocratic suppression of academic freedom emerges, it is imperative that alternative and viable strategies are discussed in order to preserve and perpetuate intellectual integrity all over the world. The workshop was carried out in three different parts, starting with the transformative movement of autocracy including the different modes of autocracy in academic institutions. Then it proceeded to a discussion about the implementation of alternative pedagogies as a strategy to combat autocratic interests. Finally, autocracy and academic alternatives were considered regarding the diverse contexts, to which our strategies must be tailored to, across the world.

On the 17th of April, the following academics convened for a workshop at the CEU Vienna campus to discuss how to make academic initiatives that provide alternative education to universities occupied by autocratic regimes resilient as well as transnational. The following academics were in attendance both in-person and online and contributed to a nuanced discussion:

·   Almira Ousmanova (European Humanities University, Vilnius) 

·   Renata Uitz (Central European University, Vienna & CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest) 

·   Alexandr Voronovici (CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest) 

·   Lourdes Peroni (Paraguayan Institute of Constitutional Law, Asunción) 

·   Noémi Lévy-Aksu (Hafiza Merkezi/Truth, Justice, Memory Center, Istanbul) 

·   Balázs Trencsényi (Central European University, Vienna & CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest) 

·   Daniel Palm (University for Continuing Education, Krems & CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest) 

·   Nurzhamal Karamoldoeva (American University of Central Asia, Bishkek) 

·   Thiago Amparo (FGV School of International Relations, Sao Paolo) 

·   Milica Popović (Global Observatory for Academic Freedom) 

·   Alexander Etkind (Central European University, Vienna) 

·   Michael Kozakowski (CEU Yehuda Elkana Center for Teaching, Learning, and Higher Education Research, CEU) 

·   Rafael Labanino (University of Konstanz) 

·   Orli Fridman (Center for Comparative Conflict Studies, Belgrade) 

·   Vladimir Petrovic (University of Belgrade & Boston University) 

·   Tena Prelec (London School of Economics & University of Ljubljana) 

·   Ligia Fabris (FGV Faculty of Law, Rio de Janeiro & Humboldt University, Berlin) 

·   Aysuda Kolemen (Bard College Berlin & Threatened Scholars Integration Initiative) 

·   Ostap Sereda (Central European University, Vienna & Imre Kertesz Kolleg, Jena)

·   Oleksandr Shtokvych (Open Society University Network)

The first panel discussed the “Autocratic transformative moments and Anti-authoritarian resilience”. In the initial stages of the workshop, Alexandr Voronovici provided a highly effective framework through which the stages of academics facing autocracy can be defined and categorized in order to more effectively identify the precursors of autocratic practices before they occur. The ‘softball, hardball and wrecking ball’ modes of autocracy presented by him serve as an effective lens through which the dynamics between academia and autocracy can be observed in order to identify patterns.

Considering the precedent set by the dynamics between the Hungarian government and CEU, a potential framework for a solution was suggested by Daniel Palm in the form of a multi-legged organization. This locational diversity would allow an organization’s weight to be shifted in response to autocratic pressures from certain regimes. The trans-national paradigm of academic reform brought about many colorful and insightful perspectives from the various participants regarding the nature and consequences of alternative pedagogy.

The second panel discussed “Pedagogical innovations in alternative educational projects”. A noticeable perspective was introduced which pressed upon the nature and form of alternative educational spaces, with convincing arguments made for both the traditional classroom and contemporary online learning environments. In a progression of nuance, alternative education was also discussed as a tool to combat inequality and as a vehicle for more progressive trauma-informed pedagogy. The role of legal infrastructure in empowering both autocracies and academics, as well as the global nature of autocratic legal influences highlighted the importance of a multi-disciplinary approach to empowering academics worldwide.

Throughout the third panel the “Transnational synergies and (In)compatibilities”, from Russia to Brazil, to Kyrgyzstan to Afghanistan, this workshop illustrated a global and interconnected network of autocratic influences threatening academic agency in every part of the world. From the great number of opinions, insights and perspectives presented, it was made clear that a trans-national strategy to combat autocracy and illiberal policies is essential to preserve academic and intellectual freedom.

Personal takes by interns of the Democracy in History workgroup

1.

Even the university is part of liberal democracy’s epistemic foundation where students can be critical, but it did not happen in Laos where pedagogies are formed by the government, bythe  Ministry of Education in particular. Students are made to follow the pedagogy chosen by the government with the cultural and mental mind-sets ingrained therein. The problem is not only present in higher education but in the entire ingrained education structure starting with primary education. Lao education pedagogy does not encourage critical thinking. The education system affects the students with non-opinion regime.

University professors cannot teach or write about politically sensitive topics, not even foreign teachers invited from abroad to teach in Laos. Similarly to Russia and Turkey, universities do not protect students, especially not with regard to political topics. Laos is a country where every freedom is restricted, especially freedom of speech and academic freedom both offline and online. Moreover, university lecturers and administrators are perceived as civil servants who are subservient to government rules and regulation. It is very difficult to shift the control of higher education to the private sector and/or nongovernmental board.

2.

One aspect which is highly relevant to the current and historical sociopolitical climate of Pakistan which I noticed was the need to identify autocratic influences prior to their oppression taking hold. There is currently a vast amount of ongoing political turmoil in Pakistan which are focused around the unconstitutional authoritarian interference of the military in the affairs of the civilian government. As is my own experience, academic material which is used in schools presents a highly biased and historically inaccurate narrative of Pakistan’s military which largely overlooks its role in perpetuating the pattern of political instability and incompetence in Pakistan, as well as actively hiding human rights abuses that institutions have committed against citizens. This control over academic material has allowed the military to maintain the favor of the masses for many years, which is a spell which is only just being broken at a large scale due to a former Prime Minister’s actions.

The “ball” model provides a good framework to help recognize the initial stages of interference in academia before it is too late, and the general discussion also provoked thoughts about how different the country may have been now if the populace had collectively come to its current conclusion much farther in the past. Early interception of such illiberal forces is necessary and so is alternative pedagogy which deviates from the traditional educational systems, which are tied to larger compromised political institutions. It is crucial to intellectually liberate the masses so that they are allowed to make well-informed political decisions.

However, much of alternative pedagogy is tied to technological advances and a country such as Pakistan is sorely lacking in both the infrastructure and technological literacy required to engage with such practices. In a country in which alternative pedagogy which deviates from the accepted political and religious narrative is extremely dangerous and technological systems which provide much-needed anonymity are inaccessible, how can illiberal influences be viably fought in the short term?

Upcoming Public Lecture: Secessionism and Historical Politics

The Democracy Institute’s historians launched a public lecture series–Jenő Szűcs Lecture Series–to bring together international as well as local scholars of history and related fields in Budapest as well as online to exchange their results on the interplay between democracy and histor(iograph)y in a broad sense. The series’ title honors the legacy of Jenő Szűcs historian, an advocate of recognizing Central Europe as a historical region and a major critic of the misuses of national past in his native Hungary. The series was launched on February 21 by CEU professor Gábor Gyáni who discussed dilemmas of public history and the marginalization of professional history writing in his talk: Telling the truth (or not) about history.

The second lecture will be held by our research fellow and CEU alumnus Alexandr Voronovici: Secessionism and Historical Politics: Instrumentalizing the Past in the Unrecognized Republics of Donbas and Transnistria. The event takes place in Nador street 15m room 202 from 17:30 on March 21, 2023. Registration for in-person participation here. You can join online through zoom here.

Further information: https://events.ceu.edu/2023-03-21/secessionism-and-historical-politics-instrumentalizing-past-unrecognized-republics

Image: https://pixabay.com/photos/donetsk-memorial-memory-war-grave-4310387/

Academics Facing Autocracy Program Description

Illiberal practices and autocratic pressure have been targeting higher education as a pivotal place of intellectual, ideological and sociocultural contestation — as liberal democracy’s epistemic foundation and a site of its renewal.

Illiberal and autocratic policies are skillfully manipulating the structural problems of the higher education, privatizing or etatizing universities and research institutions. The emerging soft authoritarianism is marked by parallel structures that undermine self-governance and quality assurance practices of academic communities. Such reforms are easy to defend in an era marked by the commercialization of the higher education, the hierarchical stratification of the faculty, and the growing gap between the activist networks and academic knowledge production. In doing so, they seek to marginalize universities as loci of democratic resilience and anti-authoritarian resistance in national cultural and political spaces. While autocrats avidly learn from each other, academics under siege scramble for self-preservation, caught between prospects of existential threats and surviving in exile. Local anti-intellectualism has been turned into a global salami-tactics, leaving behind intellectual enclaves and fragmented diaspora communities sharing the fate of former allies in a shrinking civic space.

The OSUN Global Visiting Fellowship for “Academics Facing Autocracy” scheme brought together at the Democrcy Institute colleagues from the hotspots of this struggle an opportunity for critical reflection and dialogue, to explore sustainable global strategies that create new links between research, teaching and civic engagement in response to a global challenge. In particular, we seek new insight on recent efforts that offer „hybrid education for students in hybrid regimes” and academic sanctuary.

The program is hosted by the Democracy Institute on the Budapest campus of Central European University, which itself had to move its traditional gradute programs to Austria as a result of the illiberal Hungarian political regime’s pressure manifested in the infamous “Lex CEU” of 2017. CEU remains committed, however, to maintain research and non-degree educational activities in Hungary and thereby also keep its Budapest premises meaningful.

The fellows’ first meeting took place on February 23 where right after a round of introductions, the team set out to establish a framework within which to study the various cases they know of academics resisting authoritarian regimes’ attacks on education by creating alternative ways for it. The program’s fellows have first-hand experiences with such cases and are committed to share their knowledge and help victims of similar attacks by participating in a new initiative to examine how can models be applied in different contexts and thus functional practices transferred transnationally.

Current Fellows (2023)

Noemi Levy Aksu

Noemi Levy Aksu has a first-hand experience of illiberal and autocratic attacks on higher education. In 2017, then an assistant professor in Ottoman and Modern Turkish history at Boğaziçi University (Istanbul), she was dismissed for signing the Declaration for Peace (January 2016, a criticism of state violence against civilians in the Kurdish region). She became involved in the solidarity network of the Academics for Peace and was one of the founders of the Centre for Democracy and Peace Research (CDPR) in London, a registered charity which promotes independent knowledge production in Turkey. In 2019-20, she coordinated a CDPR capacity building project, aiming to support eight solidarity academies in Turkey, which enabled her to work in close collaboration with scholars and activists throughout the country. As a CDPR trustee, she remains involved in two current local initiatives: the Center for the Right to the City of İzmir Solidarity Academy; and the “100years100objects” project, a critical digital encyclopedia of Modern Turkey, developed by Kültürhane in Mersin. In 2020, she joined the Truth, Justice, Memory Center (Hafıza Merkezi) in Istanbul. There, she has developed the original “Memory and Youth” program, which brings together young citizens from different backgrounds and articulates workshops, field visits and mentorship for their projects addressing various aspects of Turkey’s contentious past.

Thiago Amparo

Thiago Amparo – conducted his master and doctoral studies in Hungary – and in both he has focused on how right-wing movements have taken up the law to reinforce discrimination in countries like Brazil, South Africa and the United States. More recently, as a professor at FGV Law School,  he has founded a research center on racial justice and the law, in which democracy and race are key areas of research, as well as ha has conducted legal clinics related to discrimination against LGBTQIA+ people. Alongside with his academic work, he has been acting as an advocate and public intellectual in issues related to illiberalism and human rights violations in Brazil, closely collaborating with civil society organizations and writing for Brazil’s main newspaper on weekly basis.

Nurzhamal Karamoldoeva

 Through her creative film work Nurzhamal Karamoldoeva reinforces the importance of transformative role media plays in rethinking and reshaping social gender norms in a society.

 Looking at film as both a social practice and a cultural product provides a framework to her increasing desire of establishing a safe environment for visual arts in Kyrgyzstan. The overall goal of establishing such framework is the creation of a new awareness of film not so much as an entertainment but a cultural and social capital. Using film as an interdisciplinary instrument of a wider field of cultural studies she would also envision including historical revisionism in the approach to study film as part of representation of a certain epoch.

Almira Ousmanova

When CEU was forced to cease its operations in Budapest under the pressure of Hungarian government, and later on relocated to Vienna, Almira Ousmanova was struck by the commonality of institutional trajectories of CEU and her home University – European Humanities  University (EHU), that  became the first University in Exile  in the XXIst century’s Europe, since its closure by Belarusian authorities for political reasons in 2004. The history of EHU spans over virtually the entire thirty-year period of postsocialist development ( as in case of CEU)  and is full of dramatic twists and turns. EHU succeeded to survive and develop further despite  the obstacles, caused by the authoritarian regime of Lukashenko, starting from the beginning of the 1990s. During 17 years of exile the faculty of EHU gained a unique experience of cross-border functioning,  of intellectual nomadism and  civil activism, while working in between Belarus and Lithuania; creating new educational programs in a foreign country; conducting research on the postsocialist political, cultural and scientific transformations; providing liberal education, based on democratic values and academic freedoms, to the  young people  from the region, and creating the infrastructures of solidarity and support for both students and scholars (before and after the political crisis in Belarus in 2020 and the war in Ukraine in 2022).

Alexandr Voronovici

Alexandr Voronovici is writing a book that analyzes memory politics in the secessionist republics in Donbas and Transnistria, putting them also within the larger context of separatism and non-recognition in the post-Soviet space and beyond.